What’s worse: one market failure or two? Most of us impulsively answer, “Two!” with confidence. But that is demonstrably wrong. The correct answer is: “It depends.”
Two market failures can be worse than one. Most obviously, two negative externalities are worse than one. Each such externality leads to inefficiently high production, so the two failures compound.
A monopoly with positive externalities, similarly, is worse than either monopoly or positive externalities alone. Each failure leads to inefficiently low production, so the two failures again compound.
Once you understand these examples, though, you can easily construct cases that go the other way. A positive externality combined with a negative externality implies a more efficient outcome that either externality alone. Why? Positive externalities imply inefficiently low production, and negative externalities imply inefficiently high production. So the two failures tend to offset each other. If you’re lucky, they offset perfectly!
Likewise, a monopoly with negative externalities is less inefficient than monopoly or negative externalities alone. Why? Monopoly implies inefficiently low production, negative externalities imply inefficiently high production, so the two failures once again tend to cancel out.
Too obvious to get excited about? Here’s one that’s more fun.
Remember Akerlof’s “market for lemons” adverse selection model? In case you don’t, let me refresh your memory. Suppose used cars are equally likely to be worth anything from $0 to $100 to their current owners. Yet to buyers, they’re worth 50% more. The gains to trade are plain.
Akerlof asks us to imagine what would happen if sellers know the true value of the car they’re selling, but buyers only know the average value of cars on the market. Then if the market price is $50, sellers withhold all cars worth more than $50 from the market. Hence, the average value to buyers is $25*1.5=$37.50. Not worth it! Raising the price is even worse for buyers: All cars sell at $100, but then the average car is only worth $50*1.5=$75 to buyers.
In Akerlof’s original thought experiment, the only way to win is not to play. When the market price is $0, no one sells, but at least no one has buyer’s remorse. Adverse selection kills the whole market. Disastrous!
What would happen, though, if we superimposed a severe negative externality onto Akerlof’s original model? Perhaps car’s original owners are perfect drivers, but every new owner has a 10% chance of killing a bystander. Descriptively, adding this negative externality leaves equilibrium price and quantity unchanged: Adverse selection still kills the whole market. Normatively, however, adding this negative externality changes everything. Adverse selection kills the whole market, which is - due to the severe negative externality - the optimal outcome.
Before you dismiss this as a contrived case, think again. Ever heard of ransomware? A hacker locks you out of your own computer, then tells you, “Pay me a ransom, and your computer will be good as new.” A negative externality if there ever was a negative externality.
But once you set aside your blind rage, there is an obvious prudential reason not to pay: adverse selection. The very fact that someone would hack your computer is strong evidence that they’re untrustworthy. How do you know the hacker won’t take your money, then fail to restore your access? How do you know the hacker won’t take your money, then say, “I changed my mind, I want more”?
You don’t. And from an efficiency standpoint, that’s a damn good thing. Ideally, in fact:
No one would trust the hackers to fulfill their promises.
Hence, no one would ever pay ransoms.
Therefore, no one would make money from creating ransomware.
As a result, ransomware would vanish.
“Given negative externalities, adverse selection may improve market performance” isn’t just idle theory. This scenario is a valuable lesson about how one notorious market works. Thank goodness people don’t know if paying a ransom would work. Otherwise, the problem could easily be ten times worse than it already is.
In practice within ransomware markets, there is another important force: reputation! It would seem intuitive that someone who hacks your machine is an inherently untrustworthy person. In practice, this market works and ransomware continues because many hackers gain strong reputations for actually unlocking machines once paid, so victims often pay up. Thus, this market continues unfortunately to thrive.
I talked a lot about one particular set of examples of this in my post on coordination 2 years ago:
https://vitalik.ca/general/2020/09/11/coordination.html
Short excerpt:
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Now what are these dangerous forms of partial coordination, where someone coordinating with some fellow humans but not others leads to a deep dark hole? It's best to describe them by giving examples:
* Citizens of a nation valiantly sacrificing themselves for the greater good of their country in a war.... when that country turns out to be WW2-era Germany or Japan
* A lobbyist giving a politician a bribe in exchange for that politician adopting the lobbyist's preferred policies
* Someone selling their vote in an election
* All sellers of a product in a market colluding to raise their prices at the same time
* Large miners of a blockchain colluding to launch a 51% attack
[from a different post]
This is actually a common pattern to see in politics, and indeed there are many instances of larger-scale coordination that are precisely intended to undermine smaller-scale coordination that is seen as "good for the tribe but bad for the world": antitrust law, free trade agreements, state-level pre-emption of local zoning codes, anti-militarization agreements... the list goes on. A broad environment where public subsidies are generally viewed suspiciously also does quite a good job of limiting many kinds of malign local coordination
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A coordination failure between any of the groups (or pairs of individuals) in these examples is actually net good for society as a whole. In fact, I even make the stronger case that lots of really important things in society are built on limits to subgroups' ability to successfully coordinate.